Thaer Qirresh is a 14-year-old Palestinian living in the Muslim quarter of the Old City in East Jerusalem. His family are the last Palestinian family left in the block after a settler organisation purchased the lease and moved in
A group of students gathered outside of one of Max Brenner’s franchise cafes in Sydney in protest at its support for the Israeli army.
The protest is part of the global Boycott Divestment and Sanctions, or BDS campaign, which was called from a broad cross-section of Palestinian civil society organisations in 2005.
Max Brenner is a chocolate retailer owned by the Strauss Group, which is the second largest Israeli food and beverage company and is largely touted as one of the greatest successes of Israeli industry.
On its website in the section on “Corporate Responsibility,” the Strauss Group emphasises its support for the Israeli army, noting: “Our connection with soldiers goes as far back as the country, and even further. We see a mission and need to continue to provide our soldiers with support, to enhance their quality of life and service conditions, and sweeten their special moments”.
Max Brenner has been the target of BDS actions throughout Australia for over two years. Protesters here say that this action is part of their commitment to the global BDS campaign which seeks to pressure companies that either profit from or support the Israeli military occupation until Israel ends the occupation and complies with international law and United Nations resolutions.
Early in the protest the police officers present tightened their control over the students movements. A number of police officers asked our crew to leave on a number of occasions, forcing us to stop filming and physically removing our crew away from the protest.
The students marched on chanting anti-Apartheid messages. The police officers then attempted to disperse the crowd and put an end to the protest. The police then used force to disperse the protesters, beating a number of students. Two students were charged with hindering police and their trials set for July 13.
The students have vowed to continue protesting outside of the ten Max Brenner cafes throughout Sydney, saying it is their legal right. They also criticized the police’s role in protecting a company that openly supports an illegal military occupation while at the same time using violence against a peaceful student protest
Medical services spokesman Adham Abu Salmiya said Thursday that warehouses had run out of over 178 types of medicine and that over 190 surgical items had either run out or were in short supply.
The health minister in the besieged coastal enclave appealed to human rights organizations to intervene to avert a looming crisis.
Gazan doctors cancelled surgeries due to critical shortages of medicine and supplies on Friday. Simultaneously Israel decided it would close ALL crossings until Sunday. The Rafah crossing to Egypt only allows traverse of people, not goods.
The crisis was unprecedented even during Israel’s massive offensive on Gaza in December 2008, Naem said, adding that the situation was worsening by the day.
Speaking at a conference in Ash-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City, Naem said 180 types of medicine and 200 medical items had run out in Gaza, including alcohol and needles.
All health facilities were affected by the deficit, the minister said, adding that Israel’s siege on the Gaza Strip exacerbated the crisis.
How many vulnerable, ill people does Israel cause to suffer because of its hideous, illegal collective punishment? Israel is sick, and makes itself sicker through such terrible acts.
The medicine for apartheid states is BDS – boycott, divestment and sanctions are effective as a global topical application.
UPDATE 19/6/11
Why doesn’t the PA blame Israel’s illegal closure of Gaza? The PA attempts to exonerate itself and blames Hamas for ‘politicising’ the issue of medical aid. Bad argument when the WHO say there have been shortages since February.
The Palestinian Authority health ministry on Saturday sent 20 truckloads of medicine to the Gaza Strip to ease critical hospital shortages.
Another 20 trucks will be transferred by Monday from warehouses in the West Bank city of Nablus to Gaza via the Erez crossing on Israel’s border, the ministry said in a statement.
Ramallah Health Minister Fathi Abu Moghli said that the critical shortage of medicine in the Gaza Strip was caused by suppliers’ delays. But he accused the Hamas health ministry in Gaza of trying “to politicize the health sector” by blaming the Fatah-led Palestinian Authority for the shortages.
The Gaza ministry threatened to close hospitals and clinics “to disturb the reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah,” Abu Moghli said.
The PA distributed medicines to hospitals in Gaza and the West Bank as soon as they were received from suppliers, he added.
Abu Moghli said 300 types of medicine worth 10 million shekels ($2.91 million) as well as laboratory equipment and surgical items would be delivered to Gaza on Saturday.
to the Palestinian Ministry of Health to meet ongoing shortages, the ministry’s PR head said Thursday.
Omer An-Naser told Ma’an that the truck contained medication which has run out in Gaza, to be added to a delivery of 20 truckloads of medical supplies to Gaza by the ministry on Saturday and Sunday.
…
‘The report said shortages were a failure in coordination between the Ramallah and Gaza health authorities despite the unity agreement between the divided administrations signed over a month ago.’
Is the PA is covering for the Israeli regime with whom it collaborates? Gaza health ministry declared a state of medical emergency l on the 8/6/11. And now, once again –
Liaison official Raed Fattouh said Israel would reopen the Kerem Shalom crossing on Sunday.
The southern border crossing is the only operating entry point for commercial goods and humanitarian aid into the coastal enclave, home to more than 1.6 million Palestinians.
On May 28 Egypt reopened its Rafah border with Gaza, allowing limited numbers of residents to move freely in and out of the Strip for the first time in four years.
But Egypt is not allowing imports, exports and humanitarian aid or construction materials through Rafah, and the terminal is not equipped to handle large quantities of goods.
in the health conditions of Gaza residents, especially those with chronic diseases who could not access medication.
PCHR said the Gaza Strip had not received any medical supplies since February, and that shortages had led to a “devastating crisis” over the past two weeks. At a press conference in Cairo, Al-Barsh said most hospitals had run out of basic medicines and supplies.
Meanwhile, Ash-Shifa Hospital director Medhat Abbas said hospitals and primary care centers would have to close if medicine did not arrive soon, adding that many hospitals had been forced to cancel surgeries due to the crisis.
The Palestinian Center for Human Rights warned Monday of a “catastrophic deterioration” in the health conditions of Gaza residents, especially those with chronic diseases who could not access medication.
PCHR said the Gaza Strip had not received any medical supplies since February, and that shortages had led to a “devastating crisis” over the past two weeks.
Today, Israel sent 19 truckloads of medical equipment to Gaza’s Jordanian field hospital via the Erez Crossing. The Israeli aid convoy also included 195 Jordanian hospital staff members — who replaced outgoing staff — one fuel tank, one refrigerated truck and transportable buildings, which will expand existing hospital space by 300 meters.
Efforts such as providing Gaza’s civilian population with medical supplies–are coordinated daily by two Israeli bodies: The Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT) and Gaza Coordination and Liaison Administration. The organizations also provide aid in fields including health, education, agriculture and infrastructure in particular.
Unnamed Egyptian border official: ‘Only medical supplies will be allowed through Rafah.’ Why then was a state of medical emergency declared by the Gaza health ministry last Wednesday?
When Egyptian border officials reopened the terminal on 5 June, they found that their Palestinian counterparts had closed it from the other side to protest Egypt’s apparent foot-dragging. … Border operations finally resumed on Wednesday, 8 June — although still confined to human traffic — after Egypt reportedly promised to raise the daily passenger limit to at least 500.
The Association of International Development Agencies (AIDA), which groups 80 charities working in the Palestinian territories, called on the international community to pressure Israel to ease the restrictions, saying they cost its members around $4.5 million (three million euros) each year in unnecessary expenses.’
The U.S. proposal was also given to chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat, who said the Palestinians would resume talks on this basis.
Meanwhile, a European diplomat who was briefed on Molho’s talks in Washington said they were fruitless. “The Americans didn’t get anything new from Molho,” the diplomat said.
Shalit is the first Israeli soldier to be captured by a Palestinian armed group since1994. By contrast, 700,000 Palestinians have been detained under Israeli military orders in the occupied territories since 1967. That amounts to one-fifth of the total Palestinian population in those territories. By placing so much emphasis on one Israeli, Ashton is turning a blind eye to the infinitely worse suffering that Palestinians have to endure. She does not even acknowledge – as far as I can tell – that Israel’s response to Shalit’s capture was disproportionate, to use a word that trolls regularly from the tongues of EU representatives. At the moment, there are some 900 prisonersfrom Gaza in Israeli custody. Following Shalit’s capture, Israel has deniedthose prisoners visits from their families, thereby breaching its international obligations (the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 says: “Every internee shall be allowed to receive visitors, especially near relatives, at regular intervals and as frequently as possible.”
The Palestinian president also disclosed in Ramallah that he had personally approached the leaders of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC ), knowing that they wielded considerable influence over Netanyahu.
She stressed that the real political struggle is to hold on to the ethical, humanitarian and national positions in every sphere; ranging from the struggle against land confiscation, demolition of Palestinian homes, the fight for recognition of the Palestinian identity, and the struggle to end the Israeli occupation
“Mash’al’s speech was in line with the movement’s positions, policies and principles,” the statement said. “Any remarks contradicting these issues do not represent the movement and its branches.”
The politburo is solely tasked with making the party’s policy, the statement added.
Community union delegates delivered a crushing blow today to the executive’s attempt to force through a resolution aimed at undermining the TUC policy of boycotting Israeli goods produced in illegal settlements.
Members at the union’s biennial conference in Southport accused the leadership of using it to obtain a “retrospective mandate” from members to support Trade Unions Linking Israel and Palestine (Tulip), which they labelled “an apologist” for Israeli war crimes.
Organisations in the firing line include the Pubic Committee Against Torture in Israel, the Association for Civil Rights, the Israeli branch of Amnesty International, and Physicians for Human Rights Israel.
‘Hadas Ziv, PHRI’s director of public outreach, described the initiative promoted by Hasson as “a shocking, appalling message.”
“The message being relayed is that if you have suspicions of crimes committed by the Israel Defense Forces during the 2009 war and a probe commission is established, you must not cooperate with it because it will damage Israel’s image,” Ziv said in a phone interview on Sunday.
“In effect, it substantially damages Israel’s position as a law- abiding state. The initiative also sends a message that we like one kind of Israelis, one that shoot and shut up, not those who pose question marks,” she said, “It’s a pathetic attempt to narrow the public discourse and to create an obedient people.”‘
Thus, if we are serious about international solidarity we need to figure out what the internal politics of a place is, what has been achieved in that country and what are its contradictions. As I have been saying, supporting rebellions for the sake of supporting rebellions is problematic because everything gets framed as a battle between good and evil. The alternative that ends up being offered actually narrows the space for thinking about and building something different than liberal-democracy anywhere in the world.
Appearing before the Israeli military court in Ofer, Palestine rights leader Bassem Tamimi reads as much of his statement as the judge permits him. It is stirring and to the point, describing how the Israeli authorities have treated him and his family during previous periods of incarceration for non-violent protest of the illegal Israeli Occupation.
Your Honor, I hold this speech out of belief in peace, justice, freedom, the right to live in dignity, and out of respect for free thought in the absence of Just Laws.
Every time I am called to appear before your courts, I become nervous and afraid. Eighteen years ago, my sister was killed by in a courtroom such as this, by a staff member. In my lifetime, I have been nine times imprisoned for an overall of almost 3 years, though I was never charged or convicted. During my imprisonment, I was paralyzed as a result of torture by your investigators. My wife was detained, my children were wounded, my land was stolen by settlers, and now my house is slated for demolition.
I was born at the same time as the Occupation and have been living under its inherent inhumanity, inequality, racism and lack of freedom ever since. Yet, despite all this, my belief in human values and the need for peace in this land have never been shaken. Suffering and oppression did not fill my heart with hatred for anyone, nor did they kindle feelings of revenge. To the contrary, they reinforced my belief in peace and national standing as an adequate response to the inhumanity of Occupation.
International law guarantees the right of occupied people to resist Occupation. In practicing my right, I have called for and organized peaceful popular demonstrations against the Occupation, settler attacks and the theft of more than half of the land of my village, Nabi Saleh, where the graves of my ancestors have lain since time immemorial.
I organized these peaceful demonstrations in order to defend our land and our people. I do not know if my actions violate your Occupation laws. As far as I am concerned, these laws do not apply to me and are devoid of meaning. Having been enacted by Occupation authorities, I reject them and cannot recognize their validity.
Despite claiming to be the only democracy in the Middle East you are trying me under military laws which lack any legitimacy; laws that are enacted by authorities that I have not elected and do not represent me. I am accused of organizing peaceful civil demonstrations that have no military aspects and are legal under international law.
We have the right to express our rejection of Occupation in all of its forms; to defend our freedom and dignity as a people and to seek justice and peace in our land in order to protect our children and secure their future.
The civil nature of our actions is the light that will overcome the darkness of the Occupation, bringing a dawn of freedom that will warm the cold wrists in chains, sweep despair from the soul and end decades of oppression.
These actions are what will expose the true face of the Occupation, where soldiers point their guns at a woman walking to her fields or at checkpoints; at a child who wants to drink from the sweet water of his ancestors’ fabled spring; against an old man who wants to sit in the shade of an olive tree, once mother to him, now burnt by settlers.
We have exhausted all possible actions to stop attacks by settlers, who refuse to adhere to your courts’ decisions, which time and again have confirmed that we are the owners of the land, ordering the removal of the fence erected by them.
Each time we tried to approach our land, implementing these decisions, we were attacked by settlers, who prevented us from reaching it as if it were their own.
Our demonstrations are in protest of injustice. We work hand in hand with Israeli and international activists who believe, like us, that had it not been for the Occupation, we could all live in peace on this land. I do not know which laws are upheld by generals who are inhibited by fear and insecurity, nor do I know their thoughts on the civil resistance of women, children and old men who carry hope and olive branches.
But I know what justice and reason are. Land theft and tree-burning is unjust. Violent repression of our demonstrations and protests and your detention camps are not evidence of the illegality of our actions. It is unfair to be tried under a law forced upon us. I know that I have rights and my actions are just.
The military prosecutor accuses me of inciting the protesters to throw stones at the soldiers. This is not true. What incites protesters to throw stones is the sound of bullets, the Occupation’s bulldozers as they destroy the land, the smell of teargas and the smoke coming from burnt houses. I did not incite anyone to throw stones, but I am not responsible for the security of your soldiers who invade my village and attack my people with all the weapons of death and the equipment of terror.
These demonstrations that I organize have had a positive influence over my beliefs; they allowed me to see people from the other side who believe in peace and share my struggle for freedom. Those freedom fighters have rid their conscious from the Occupation and put their hands in ours in peaceful demonstrations against our common enemy, the Occupation. They have become friends, sisters and brothers. We fight together for a better future for our children and theirs.
If released by the judge will I be convinced thereby that justice still prevails in your courts? Regardless of how just or unjust this ruling will be, and despite all your racist and inhumane practices and Occupation, we will continue to believe in peace, justice and human values. We will still raise our children to love; love the land and the people without discrimination of race, religion or ethnicity; embodying thus the message of the Messenger of Peace, Jesus Christ, who urged us to “love our enemy.” With love and justice, we make peace and build the future.
The liberal Zionist vision is indeed motivated by moral concerns. The vision recognizes that it is morally wrong, not just inexpedient, for Israel to have day to day control over the lives of Palestinians. It is less concerned with the measure of effective control Israel will have over the future Palestinian state, and indirectly, on the lives of the Palestinians living within it. I don’t think it is concerned with that at all.
In 2005, Cox agreed to serve as “Co-President” of The Jerusalem Summit, an Israeli Zionist organization that denies the Nakba and which has advocated the ethnic cleansing, or transfer of Palestinians and espouses extreme Islamophobic views.
‘Children often watch with their parents as their homes are demolished. A house is a place of safety and comfort for most children around the world. A home demolished is a future destroyed’.
The full text of Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s letter sent to Mayor Fiona Byrne and the Marrickville Council is reproduced here from the Green Left Weekly:
Dear Mayor Fiona Byrne,
We in South Africa, who both suffered Apartheid and defeated it, have the moral right and responsibility to name and shame institutionalized separation, exclusion, and domination by one ethnic group over others. In my own eyes I have seen how the Palestinians are oppressed, dispossessed and exiled.
We call on all our Jewish and Israeli sisters and brothers to oppose the occupation and work for equality, justice and peace, between the River and the Sea, in the same way that so many South African Whites took risks to oppose the crime of Apartheid.
I want to pay my respects to you and your fellow Councilors in Marrickville for taking a stand to isolate the Israeli state, and before that for offering practical solidarity to our sisters and brothers under occupation in the Holy City of Bethlehem.
International Boycotts, Divestment and Sanctions against the Apartheid regime, combined with the mass struggle inside South Africa, led to our victory. I recall that after the very strong actions to prevent Apartheid sportsman competing with Australians, that Councils, starting with Wollongong, declared their cities “Apartheid free” areas, and this was a great contribution.
Sometimes taking a public stand for what is ethical and right brings costs, but social justice on a local or global scale requires faith and courage.
Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu (Cape Town — South Africa)
In the customary imperial fashion which it adopts to deal with criticism of apartheid Israel, The Australian editorial today attempts to minimise Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s letter with lies, distortions and smears.
A group of Jews and Arabs are fighting in the Israeli courts to be recognized as “Israelis,” a nationality currently denied them, in a case that officials fear may threaten the country’s self-declared status as a Jewish state.
Israel refused to recognize an Israeli nationality at the country’s establishment in 1948, making an unusual distinction between “citizenship” and “nationality.” Although all Israelis qualify as “citizens of Israel,” the state is defined as belonging to the “Jewish nation,” meaning not only the 5.6 million Israeli Jews but also more than seven million Jews in the diaspora.
Critics say the special status of Jewish nationality has been a way to undermine the citizenship rights of non-Jews in Israel, especially the fifth of the population who are Arab. Some 30 laws in Israel specifically privilege Jews, including in the areas of immigration rights, naturalization, access to land and employment.
Arab leaders have also long complained that indications of “Arab” nationality on ID cards make it easy for police and government officials to target Arab citizens for harsher treatment.
The interior ministry has adopted more than 130 possible nationalities for Israeli citizens, most of them defined in religious or ethnic terms, with “Jewish” and “Arab” being the main categories.
The group’s legal case is being heard by the high court after a district judge rejected their petition two years ago, backing the state’s position that there is no Israeli nation.
The head of the campaign for Israeli nationality, Uzi Ornan, a retired linguistics professor, said: “It is absurd that Israel, which recognizes dozens of different nationalities, refuses to recognize the one nationality it is supposed to represent.”
The government opposes the case, claiming that the campaign’s real goal is to “undermine the state’s infrastructure” — a presumed reference to laws and official institutions that ensure Jewish citizens enjoy a privileged status in Israel.
The Australian ignores the fact that Palestinians in the territories militarily occupied by Israel – the bantustans of the West Bank and Gaza – have no rights at all.
Yet recognising Israel as a ‘jewish’ state would entrench and legitimise the existing undemocratic discrimination suffered by non-Jews. Equal rights are not guaranteed in Israeli law. It should be understood however, that even Hamas agreed in principle to recognise Israel within 1967 borders in 2006.
Since governments have failed to act to enforce international law and protect the guaranteed rights of Palestinian people, boycott, divestment and sanctions are a legitimate, non-violent means of achieving justice. Australians of conscience must stand in solidarity with oppressed Palestinians as they did with black South Africans to resist apartheid.
Women’s emancipation in the Arab region is closely linked to the regimes under which we live, regimes which are supported by the US in most cases, and the struggle between Israel and Palestine has an important impact on the political situation. Besides, how can we speak of liberation for Palestinian women without speaking of their right to have a land on which to live? How can we speak about Arab women’s rights in Palestine and Israel without opposing the racial discrimination exercised against them by the Israeli regime?
‘We should not make disabled lives subject to debate.’
‘who should have the burden of proof as to the quality of disabled lives’
‘What worries me most about the proposals for legalized assisted suicide is their veneer of beneficence — the medical determination that, for a given individual, suicide is reasonable or right. It is not about autonomy but about nondisabled people telling us what’s good for us.’
If people are ‘able’ to make a decision about their own life or death, that is their choice to make. For those with diminished rights, entitled people do not have the right to make the choice for them.
Harriet’s consistent vision for society is one which cares for all life, which doesn’t see lives like hers as expendable, which encourages all its members to achieve their fullest potential, which encourages voice to all its members.
She says:
‘choice is illusory in a context of pervasive inequality. Choices are structured by oppression. We shouldn’t offer assistance with suicide until we all have the assistance we need to get out of bed in the morning and live a good life. Common causes of suicidality — dependence, institutional confinement, being a burden — are entirely curable.’
McBryde is not arguing against suicide as an option, but for dealing logically with the primary issue issue of inequality first.
People are prevented from choosing to work when the society in which they live doesn’t legislate for adequate childcare.
People who live in societies where education isn’t free or available have restricted choices.
In many societies these situations are dealt with by law and choices are increased.
Yet how many societies place importance on providing paid care and access for dis-abled people so *their* choices are maximised?
How do we build compassionate societies which value and incorporate equality of choice when the practicalities of equality and maximisation of individual potential are subordinated to the entrenched needs and viewpoints of those most benefited by existing inequities? Some live blithely, thinking the issue will not affect them – yet many will experience dis-ability by accident or as a consequence of old age.
I accept acknowledgement of my own entitlement and systemic inequalities, and in solidarity with others, attempt to work through my individual, social, economic and political relationships in a context of justice and rights, rather than adding to a toxic ethos of dis-ablement which excludes, marginalises and deprivileges further those already excluded, deprivileged and marginalised by existing social, political and economic constructs which reinforce and protect the needs of advantaged groups at the expense of everyone else.
These constructs include racism, prejudice, bigotry, elitism, agism, sexism and ableism, all embedded in distorted ‘laws’ and unquestioning acceptance of present injustice. It is comfortable to be complacent about others’ rights when it is not our rights that are denied or our voices which are silenced – yet the presumption that some lives are more valuable than others leads inevitably to atrocities. Where there is discrimination, all who are knowingly silent are complicit and contribute to their own potential or actual enslavement.
Stephen Hawking says ‘I’m sure my disability has a bearing on why I’m well known. People are fascinated by the contrast between my very limited physical powers, and the vast nature of the universe I deal with.’
One wonders how Stephen would have progressed had his talent been for political theory and leadership in the vanguard of the ‘left’ if there is lack of accessibility to union and other ‘activist’ meetings.
How many Stephen and Stephanie Hawkings have been locked out of the revolutionary process to the detriment of solidarity because of precious champagne socialists for whom providing accessibility is contaminated with the ‘weak arguments’ of ‘identity politics’ and ‘social exclusion’?
Can a solidarity movement truly be described as such when it behaves in the same manner as the structures it claims to be critiquing?
We can’t change our skin but we can own it. When we speak from a position of power about others’ lives, it’s essential to recognise that as Aboriginal activist Leila Watson says:
‘If you have come to help me, you are wasting your time. But if your liberation is bound up with mine, then let us work together.’
